نویسنده زهره شاه حیدری در یکشنبه 97/6/18 | نظر
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2-رفتار اطلاعاتی در فضای دانشگاهی
نویسنده زهره شاه حیدری در یکشنبه 97/6/18 | نظر
درصورت خرید ترجمه این مقاله با09132850811تماس حاصل فرمایید Abstract With the advent of the Internet and the flourishing of connected technology, electronic
commerce has become a new business model that disrupts the traditional transactional model and is transforming the consumer’s lifestyle. Electronic commerce leads to constantly changing customer needs, therefore quick action and collaboration between production and the market is essential. Meanwhile, the abundant transactional data generated by electronic commerce allows us to explore browsing behaviors, habits, preferences and even characteristics of customers, which can help companies to understand their customer’s needs more clearly. Traditional supply chain management (SCM) simply cannot keep up with electronic commerce because demand forecasts are constantly changing. Customer demands create and affect the whole supply chain. The purpose of SCM is to satisfy the customers who support the company by paying for the products; so meeting changing customer needs should be incorporated into SCM by developing demand chain management (DCM). In this paper, we explore how DCM can perform better in the electronic commerce environment based on studying website behavior data and using data analytics tools. The results show that DCM performs much better when paired with the benefits of electronic commerce and Big Data than traditional SCM methods. Keywords Big Data نویسنده زهره شاه حیدری در یکشنبه 97/6/18 | نظر
Polar bears (Ursus maritimus) have evolved to exploit the biologically productive Arctic sea ice niche by using it as a platform to دریافت ترجمه کل مقاله:09132850811
prey upon marine mammals (Amstrup 2003). Before European exploration, this habitat specialization likely kept them separated from most people, and thus helped reduce human-bear conflicts. However, the extent of human-polar bear interactions began to change in the sixteenth century with the advent of widespread maritime exploration. Historical records provide some insight into the nexus between human and bear behavior and help inform current efforts to reduce human-polar bear conflict. Although the Arctic has been inhabited by Indigenous people in relatively low numbers for thousands of years, the first recorded polar bear attack we found dates to 1595 when 2 members of William Barent’s second expedition were reportedly killed and eaten by a polar bear in the Russian Arctic (de Veer 1876). The incident occurred on 6 September on an islet near Vaygach Island. Two men were lying in a wind-free depression resting, when: “a great leane white beare came sodainly stealing out, and caught one of them fast by the necke, the beare at the first faling vpon the man, bit his head in sunder.” The ship’s crew rallied, and tried to drive the bear off of the victim: “hauing charged their peeces and bent their pikes, set vpon her, that still was deuouring the man, but perceiuiug them to come towards her, fiercely and cruelly ran at them, and gat another of them out from the companie, which she tare in peeces, wherewith all the rest ran away (de Veer 1876:63).” Eventually the crew was able to again rally, and finally killed the bear as it continued to devour its victims. The vivid account provided by de Veer demonstrates the potential danger of polar bears, and is consistent in many respects with what we have learned from more recent attacks. Continued European expansion into the Arctic led to increased conflict with, and exploitation of, polar bears (Conway et al. 1904). For example, a commercial expedition to Svalbard in 1610 reported killing 27 polar bears and catching 5 cubs (Lønø 1970). Commercial polar bear hunting continued through the centuries. In the early decades of the twentieth century, hundreds of bears were harvested on Svalbard annually. In 1924 alone, at least 901 polar bears were harvested on Svalbard (Lønø 1970). The widespread use of fossil fuels further accelerated human access to remote areas of the Arctic, resulting in significant hunting pressure on polar bears throughout their range after World War II. As a result, by the 1960s, the most significant threat facing polar bears was over-hunting, and populations in some areas were considered to be substantially reduced (Larsen 1975). To address these and other conservation concerns, in 1973 the 5 polar bear countries (Canada, Denmark [on behalf of Greenland], Norway, the former Soviet Union, and the United States) signed the Agreement on the Conservation of Polar Bears (1973 Agreement). The 1973 Agreement requires the 5 signatory countries (the Range States) to restrict the taking of polar bears and manage polar bear subpopulations in accordance with sound conservation practices based on the best available scientific data (DeMaster and Stirling 1981, Prestrud and Sterling 1994, Larsen and Stirling 2009)درصورت تمایل به ترجمه با شماره09132850811تماس حاصل فرمایید. نویسنده زهره شاه حیدری در یکشنبه 97/6/18 | نظر
. درصورت تمایل این مقاله برای شما ترجمه می شود Introduction
Conventional environmental policies are largely characterized by ‘top-down’ approaches. ‘Top-down’ approaches regard to higher authorities defining and deciding how things should work at the community level. ‘Top-down’ approaches are based on the assumption that national and the elite groups are able to design policies that will be implemented at the local level. Such approaches have given limited democratic space for the people who are affected at the local level. Most policies that have followed this approach to some extent have failed in a number of regions both in the ‘north’1 and ‘south’ during the late 1960 and throughout 1970s (Kamruzzaman, 2012). In the aftermath, democratic freedom of local communities to participate in the policy processes, a growth of social movements where the local communities and concerned parties come up with other means to rise against certain policies that affect them or may be of interest to them (Holmes and Scoones, 2000; Kamruzzaman, 2012). Such processes not only produce surprises and uncertainty but involve complex engagement of elements within a system (Ratter, 2013) Gaventa and Robinson (1999), (cited in Holmes and Scoones, 2000) argue that there are four ways through which local communities especially the ‘non-elite’ citizens are able to shape policy outcomes. The first is through ‘resistance’. Scott who studied how peasant and oppressed persons resist the dominating group argues that the oppressed do not speak their mind before the dominant group but rather find a way of advancing their discourse of concern among themselves through gossips which provides a platform for information sharing which may build up to social resistance (Scott, 1990a; Scott, 1990b). The second way is through community based action groups, social unions, social movements and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). These movements are important in creating public awareness of the issue at hand, mobilization of group resources and more important media awareness (Dalton et al., 2003). The third route is via formal representation through democratically elected representatives. These representatives become agents of the electorates and are entrusted to represent their interests. The final course is by way of an expanded democratic space where the greater ‘public’ is invited in consultation and decision making processes (Holmes and Scoones, 2000). This is an approach that has gained popularity in the last three decades. . Introduction Conventional environmental policies are largely characterized by ‘top-down’ approaches. ‘Top-down’ approaches regard to higher authorities defining and deciding how things should work at the community level. ‘Top-down’ approaches are based on the assumption that national and the elite groups are able to design policies that will be implemented at the local level. Such approaches have given limited democratic space for the people who are affected at the local level. Most policies that have followed this approach to some extent have failed in a number of regions both in the ‘north’1 and ‘south’ during the late 1960 and throughout 1970s (Kamruzzaman, 2012). In the aftermath, democratic freedom of local communities to participate in the policy processes, a growth of social movements where the local communities and concerned parties come up with other means to rise against certain policies that affect them or may be of interest to them (Holmes and Scoones, 2000; Kamruzzaman, 2012). Such processes not only produce surprises and uncertainty but involve complex engagement of elements within a system (Ratter, 2013) Gaventa and Robinson (1999), (cited in Holmes and Scoones, 2000) argue that there are four ways through which local communities especially the ‘non-elite’ citizens are able to shape policy outcomes. The first is through ‘resistance’. Scott who studied how peasant and oppressed persons resist the dominating group argues that the oppressed do not speak their mind before the dominant group but rather find a way of advancing their discourse of concern among themselves through gossips which provides a platform for information sharing which may build up to social resistance (Scott, 1990a; Scott, 1990b). The second way is through community based action groups, social unions, social movements and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). These movements are important in creating public awareness of the issue at hand, mobilization of group resources and more important media awareness (Dalton et al., 2003). The third route is via formal representation through democratically elected representatives. These representatives become agents of the electorates and are entrusted to represent their interests. The final course is by way of an expanded democratic space where the greater ‘public’ is invited in consultation and decision making processes (Holmes and Scoones, 2000). This is an approach that has gained popularity in the last three decades. نویسنده زهره شاه حیدری در جمعه 97/6/9 | نظر
Abstract: Given a set of images or videos having common content, the objective of co-segmentation is to simultaneously segment the set of images or videos to extract this common content. The term “common content” here refers to the image or video regions that depict the same thing, which, in most of the cases, is the theme of the input images or videos acknowledged by the user. Most previous approaches focus on image co-segmentation, while recently, more and more attempts have been made on the problem of video co-segmentation, which presents much more complexity and difficulty than image segmentation. In this thesis, we address the challenge of video co-segmentation and develop techniques for common content extraction. (Abstract shortened by UMI.) Keywords: Subjects: Electrical engineering, کلید واژه ها: موضوعات: مهندسی برق، لینک دوستان ما
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